Before looking further at the evolution of the Control Council, a closer look at General William Draper’s career is needed. As previously mention Draper, while employed at Dillon and Reed was in charge of the Thyssen account. He worked closely with the man in charge of this account with Brown Brothers and Harriamn, Prescott Bush. Draper had a very dark side that extended to the present day. Draper advocated eugenics. The reader should not confuse General William Draper with Wickliffe Draper, the founder of the Pioneer Fund, although they were related. In 1932, William Draper financed the International Eugenics Congress. Doubts remain if Draper was using his own money or money from the Thyssen account or other corporate accounts. Draper helped select Ernst Ruaudin as chief of the world eugenics movement, who used his office to promote what he called Adolf Hitler's holy, national and international racial hygienic mission.
Prescott Bush shared Draper’s view on eugenics. In fact, late in Prescott’s first run for office in 1950 he was exposed as an activist in that section of the old fascist eugenics movement. Due to that exposure, Prescott lost his first bid for office.
In 1958, Eisenhower appointed Draper as head of a committee to study the proper course for U.S. military aid to other countries. A year later Draper changed the focus of the committee and recommended that the U.S. government react to the threat of the population explosion' by formulating plans to depopulate the poorer countries. The growth of the world's non-white population, he proposed, should be regarded as dangerous to the national security of the United States. Eisenhower rejected the recommendation.
In the 1960s, Draper founded the Population Crisis Committee and the Draper Fund, and joined with the Rockefeller and Du Pont families to promote eugenics as population control. The Rockefeller family has been associated with eugenics since the turn of the century. In 1950 and 1951, John Foster Dulles, then chairman of the Rockefeller Foundation, led John D. Rockefeller III on a series of world tours, focusing on the need to stop the expansion of the non-white populations. In November 1952, Dulles and Rockefeller set up the Population Council, with tens of millions of dollars from the Rockefeller family.
General Draper served as George Bush’s (the father) population expert. While serving in Congress, George Bush chaired the Republican Task Force on Earth Resources and Population. As chairman of the Task Force Bush invited Professors William Shockley and Arthur Jensen to explain to the committee how allegedly runaway birth-rates for African-Americans were down-breeding the American population. On August 5, 1969, Bush summed up the testimony his black-inferiority advocates had given to the Task Force before congress. As a candidate for Congress in 1964, Bush had campaigned against the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act.
George Bush was U.S. ambassador to the United Nations in 1972, where his friends urged the U.S. Agency for International Development to make an official contract with the old Sterilization League of America. The League had changed its name twice again, and was now called the Association for Voluntary Surgical Contraception. The U.S. government began paying the old fascist group to sterilize non-whites in foreign countries.
In Bush’s 1988 campaign for president, General Draper’s son William Draper III served as co-chairman for finance. The younger Draper is also involved in the United Nations depopulation efforts. George Bush’s Treasury Secretary was Nicholas Brady. Brady was Frederic Brandi's partner from 1954 until he replaced Brandi in 1971. Brandi was the German who was Draper's co-director for the Nazi investments and his personal contact man with the Nazi German Steel Trust.
In 1958, General Draper founded the first West Coast venture capital firm. His son continued in the venture capital founding additional firms in the 1960s. In 1981 Draper’s son was appointed Chairman of the U.S. Export-Import Bank. In 1985, he was selected to be Administrator and CEO of the United Nations Development Program.
Perhaps the words of Walter Lippmann best sums up the sabotaging of the denazification plan. On July 19, 1948, Lippmann wrote the words below.
"Tough our German policy is in fact the determinant of our whole European policy, and will be decisive for peace or war, it is notorious that it has not been made by the President, or by Secretary Marshall, or by the so-called policymakers but General Clay and General Draper, and in the Pentagon…"51
In 1949, John McCloy was appointed High Commissioner of Germany. McCloy was not the first choice. Lewis Douglas, the head of the Finance Division of the Control Council was. However, Douglas agreed to step aside in favor of McCloy. It appears nothing was being left to chance in post war Germany. The governing of post war Germany would be a family affair. The three most powerful men in post war Germany: High Commissioner McCloy, Douglas, Head of the Finance Division of the Control Council and Chancellor Konrad Adenauer were all brother-in laws. All three men had married daughters of the wealthy John Zinsser, a partner of JP Morgan. The Morgan empire would control the fate of Germany.
What little justice achieved under the Control Council and General Clay would now be rapidly undone. Up until 1940 McCloy had been a member of the law firm Cravath, de Gersdorff, Swaine and Wood. This law firm represented I.G. Farben and its affiliates. In 1940, McCloy was appointed Assistant Secretary of War. At least three other individuals from the same law firm turned up in the War Department. Alfred McCormick and Howard Peterson both served as assistants to the Secretary. Richard Wilmer was commissioned as a colonel after the war started and served in a similar vein.61 Peterson later served as the finance chairman of the National Committee Eisenhower for President, 1951-1953.
The career of McCloy is one sympathetic to fascism and warrants a closer look. Henry Stimson appointed McCloy as assistant secretary of war. Roosevelt had selected Stimson to head up the War Department in 1940 in an attempt to make the war effort a bipartisan effort and to blunt any criticism of the upcoming war by the Republicans. One of the first acts of Stimson upon taking over the War Department was to appoint McCloy as Special consultant to the War Department on German sabotage. Before 1940 ended McCloy was appointed as assistant secretary. As Secretary of State under Hoover, Stimson would surely have been aware of the cartels of I.G Farben and how the Hoover administration aided their formation. McCloy spent most of the 1930s in Paris working on a sabotage case stemming from WWI. In 1936, he shared a box with Hitler at the Olympics.
In one of his first acts as assistant secretary of war, McCloy helped plan the interment of Japanese Americans. Once the war began, McCloy followed the American troops across North Africa. Such travel by an assistant cabinet secretary was highly unusual. However, McCloy’s actions at the time partially revealed his motivation. While in North Africa, McCloy help forge an alliance with the Vichy France and Admiral Darlan.
McCloy continued to follow the advancing allied troops across Europe and into Germany. In the closing days of the war in Europe McCloy made one of his most noted decisions. After sixteen planes bombed, Rothenburg on March 31 McCloy ordered a stop to any further bombing of the city. According to McCloy, his reason was to preserve the historical medieval walled city. Additionally, McCloy ordered Major-General Jacob L. Devers that he could not use artillery in taking Rothenburg. The city would have to be liberated by infantry alone regardless of the cost in lives of GIs.
However, there are a few facts that McCloy and others since have conveniently left out. For instance, just two days before the bombing a German general with his division of troops left battered Nurnburg for Rothenburg. Together with the Nazi forces already stationed there, the general gave the order to defend the city to the last man. Also located in Rothenburg was Fa Mansfeld AG, a munitions maker that employed slave labor from Buchenwald.
By late 1943, the slaughter of Jews was reaching a feverish pace. The allies were then in a position to bomb the concentration camps to stop the slaughter. John McCloy was almost solely responsible for blocking the bombing of the death camps. Allied planes were already bombing the industrial plants associated with Auschwitz. However, McCoy in written memos advanced a bankers' argument that the cost would be prohibitive. Such missions would risk men and planes with little reduction in the Nazis war effort. McCloy even banned the bombing of the rail lines leading to the death camps.
In the late spring of 1944, Morgenthau was pressing the War Refuge Board to find an unused army base or some other haven to serve as temporary homes for a small group of refugees from Italy. Most of the refugees were Jewish. The question was put to McCloy, who responded brusquely that it wasn’t the Army’s business to take care of refugees. Morgenthau was outraged at McCloy’s response and presented it at a cabinet meeting with Roosevelt in attendance. Roosevelt stated that under no circumstances should those people be turned away. Stimpson dictated a memo after the cabinet meeting that someone had accused McCloy of being an oppressor of Jews. McCloy confronted Morgenthau on the charge. Morgenthau didn’t confess the remark directly but happily exploited McCloy’s discomfort. McCloy soon responded to Morgenthau that Fort Ontario in Oswego, New York could accept 1800 refugees.141
The average American at the time would probably have granted the
Jews sanctuary in the Untied States if he was aware of the truth. The
fact is evidence of the Holocaust was kept from the average citizen and
even from Roosevelt himself. The State Department would often wait for
months before forwarding memos of evidence of the slaughter on to
Roosevelt. By the time, Roosevelt read the memos it was too late to act
on the intelligence in the memo. The prominent newspapers of the times
either did not print a single line about the Holocaust or at best
relegated a few lines to the back pages. In 1943, an eyewitness
described Auschwitz to Supreme Court justice Felix Frankfurter.
Frankfurter was Jewish but refused to believe the report.
Western politicians were well aware of the massacre taking placing on the European continent. As early as 1941 military attaches were filing weekly body counts. The British were equally aware and adamantly opposed to aiding the Jews. Britain’s Foreign Office had a greater fear of the Nazis allowing the Jews to emigrate to the west. Undoubtedly those fears could not be separated from British ruled Palestine. Both Britain and the Untied States were also well aware of the views in the Arab world towards Jews and the inseparable nature of a Jewish homeland and Mideast oil.
On March 23, 1943, The archbishop of Canterbury, William Temple before the House of Lords plead for help for the Jews, and in response, the British government proposed a conference with the United States on the refugee question. The British Foreign Office had organized the Bermuda conference in such a way that no results would be produced. The State Department refused to allow any Jewish organization to attend. Jewish leaders then sent a list of proposals. 62 Adolf Berle, assistant secretary of state proposed establishing a temporary safe haven for up to 100,000 Jews in an area of Eastern Libya. The President's Advisory Committee on Political Refugees also sent a list of proposals including using British Honduras as a sanctuary for Jews. The conference concluded with no decisions being reached.
Roosevelt desperately wanted to help the Jews but was mislead by his own intelligence advisors, opposed by the British and Soviets and blackmailed by the Dulles brothers. The picture emerging of Roosevelt is a man under secret siege trying to avoid a rift among the allies. A rift, the Nazis would gladly exploit.
As early as 1939 the ability of the same shadow government of bigots in corporate America and their cronies in Congress led to the defeat of the Wagner-Rogers bill. That bill was sponsored by New York Senator Democrat Robert Wagner, the same senator that first introduced the Social Security bill. On the House side, the bill was sponsored by Edith Rogers a Massachusetts Republican. Under the proposed bill, 20,000 Jewish children would be allowed to immigrate to the United States. In Congress, the bill was amended to require that other Jewish emigration would have to be reduced by the same amount. Out of frustration, both sponsors were forced to drop support for the bill.
Similarly, President Truman would encounter the same shadow government in the post war years, who blocked any attempt to allow Jewish refugees to emigrate to the United States and nearly blocked the United Nations creation of Israel. Leading the charge to block post war Jewish emigration was none other than John McCloy.
While still in Europe as Assistant Secretary of War, McCloy helped block the executions of several Nazi war criminals. He returned to the United States and on November 8, 1945 delivered a speech before the Academy of Political Science in New York. McCloy blasted the infamous JCS 1067 directive and the Morganethau Plan in an effort to prevent the decartelization of I.G. Farben and decartelization in general. He belittled the operating capacity of Germany’s industrial plant. Note: the allied bombing of Germany destroyed--- at most --- twenty percent of Germany’s industrial production.
As Congress was being bombarded with a lobbying effort to go easy on Germany, the agents of the Nazis were proceeding according to the plan. Unfortunately, too many members of Congress were sympathetic to the Nazis. With out exception they were all either conservative Dixiecrats or Republicans. Nebraska’s Senator Kenneth Wherry, Mississippi’s Democrat James Eastland and Indiana’s Republican Homer Capehart were just some of the many Congressmen that stood up and denounced the decartelization of Germany. Capehart was perhaps one of the more vicious in his speech before the Senate he blamed Morganethau for the mass starvation of the German people rather than the Nazis. He continued by claiming that the technique of hate had earned both Morganethau and Bernard Berstien the title of America’s Himmler.63
While General Clay had reduced the sentences of numerous war criminals it was when John McCloy arrived as the High Commissioner of Germany that the doors of Landsberg prison were thrown. Even before McCloy arrived in Germany, he had blocked some executions of war criminals. Both Clay and McCloy acted with their respective advisory committees.
General Clay was advised by the Simpson Committee. Sitting on the Simpson Committee were Judge Edward Leroy van Roden, of Delaware County, Pennsylvania, and Justice Gordon Simpson, of the Texas Supreme Court. The committee was appointed after Lieutenant Colonel Willis N. Everett, Jr., the defense counsel for the seventy-four defendants charged in the Malmedy massacre petitioned the United States Supreme Court that that the defendants had not received a fair trial. The Supreme Court ruled that it did not have jurisdiction but Everett’s petition forced the Secretary of the War, Royall to appoint the commission. The only evidence that the Simpson Committee relied upon came from the defendants and German clergy working to free all war criminals. In post-war Germany the clergy was uniformly sympathetic to the Nazis. The dissenters had been sent to the concentration camps where many of them perished.
The evidence the Simpson Committee gathered regarding torture of prisoners was incredulous at best. More often than not the evidence did not bear up to examination. In one case, the witness said he had saw from the window the torturing of another prisoner in a room across the courtyard. However, the window to the room in which the torturing was supposed to have taken place was not visible from where the prisoner said he was.
Van Roden’s ludicrous claims of torture were the beginning of the revisionist movement about the Holocaust. To be fair there were minor incidents of abuse of the prisoners but nothing to justify van Roden’s bombastic claims. The Malmedy trials marked an extremely critical turning point in history. After the Malmedy trials, the faction sympathetic to the Nazis were clearly in control in both Germany and the United States. Furthermore, efforts to disrupt the trials were coordinated in both countries.
The charges raised by the Simpson Committee were wholly without merit. Perhaps the best summation of the Simpson Committee to derail justice comes from the words of van Roden as follows below.
"My conclusion is that the entire program of War Crimes Trials, either by International Courts, the members of which comprise those of the victorious nations, or by Military Courts of a single victor nation is basically without legal or moral authority... The fact remains that the victor nations in World War II, while still at fever heat of hatred for an enemy nation, found patriots of the enemy nation guilty for doing their patriotic duty. This is patently unlawful and immoral One of the most shameful incidents connected with the War Crimes Trials prosecutions has to do with the investigations and the preparation of the cases for trial. The records of trials which our Commission examined disclosed that a great majority of the official investigators, employed by the United States Government to secure evidence and to locate defendants, were persons with a preconceived dislike for these enemy aliens, and their conduct was such that they resorted to a number of illegal, unfair, and cruel methods and duress to secure confessions of guilt and to secure accusations by defendants against other defendants. In fact, in the Malmedy case, the only evidence before the court, upon which the convictions and sentences were based, consisted of the statements and testimony of the defendants themselves. The testimony of one defendant against another was secured by subterfuge, false promises of immunity, and by mock trials and threats."65
The words above of Judge van Roden betray his objectivity. He disagreed with fully with the premise of international and the war crimes trials. Likewise, the judge sought to confer upon the defendants the legal rights present in civil cases. Neither Churchill or Roosevelt had intended the trials to be anything more than a trial by a military tribunal in which civilian rights need not apply fully. Upon returning to Texas, Simpson was offered the job of vice president and general counsel of the General American Oil Company.
One of the obstacles to justice at Nuremberg was the quality of the judges and their own political motivations. One of the judges at Nuremberg was Robert Maguire from Oregon. In the fall of 1949, Maguire decided to run for Oregon’s Supreme Court. In November 1949, the American Bar Association Journal published a speech delivered by Maquire entitled "The Unknown Art of Making Peace: Are We Sowing the Seeds of WWIII?" In the speech Maquire argued against further trials.120 Maguire's speech was an effort to appease the right wing of the Republican Party in Oregon to enhance his election chances.
Similarly, McCloy had the Peck commission to advise him. The Peck Commission consisted of David Peck, a judge in the New York Appellate Division, Fredrick Moran, chairman of New York Board of Parole and Brigadier-General Conrad Snow. The Peck commission was only authorized to reduce sentences and not to challenge the legal decision of guilt. While the Simpson Committee was limited to reviewing the trials held at Dachau, the Peck commission was limited to the trials at Nuremberg.
While McCloy blocked the executions of some war criminals before his appointment as High Commissioner of Germany, it wasn’t until after his appointment as High Commissioner that he opened the doors to Landsberg Prison. McCloy insisted until his death that releasing the war criminals was not politically motivated. However, nothing could be further from the truth.
The industrialists' trial, once considered to be of equal importance to the main Nuremberg Trial concluded as the Soviets blockaded Berlin. Even as the convicted directors of Krupp and I.G. Farben were being taken to Landsberg, they knew there was little prospect of having to serve out their sentences. Germans and the fascists within America believed that they were just the innocent victims of left wing fanatics. The Nazi’s allies within the United States had been successful in smearing the trial as such. In Landsberg, the prisoners settled into a comfortable routine. Flick maintained control over his empire through weekly visits from his lawyers accompanied by whichever business associates that were needed. Flick also chosen Hermann Abs as his financial advisor. Abs was "rehabilitated" already with the aid of General Clay and was heading up the Reconstruction Loan Corporation.
By the time McCloy arrived as High Commissioner there was a concerted drive to rebuild German industry as a bulkhead against he Soviets. Abs informed McCloy that the key to Germany’s recovery and cooperation was the release of the industrialists from Landsberg. McCloy was also told the same by Karl Blessing, a war criminal that Allen Dulles saved. In fact, McCloy was told that by any German he cared to listen to.66
On August 28, 1950, McCloy received the recommendations of the Peck Commission. The commission had been appointed on March 20, 1950 and was controversial from the beginning. In fact, under various state laws it would have been illegal. Some of the cases that the commission was to examine had already been reviewed three times. Under most state laws, it was illegal to appoint a second appellate court to reexamine the findings of another appellate court. Nor would an appellate court have the authority to pardon criminals, they would be limited to reducing the sentence or commuting death sentences to life in prison. Nevertheless, the Peck Commission was given such authority.
On the morning, the Peck commission reported their findings they stated they had examined the judgements upon all of the prisoners, along with interviewing them and their lawyers. While that sounded reasonable enough to the inexperienced, it wasn’t.
Even in a clemency hearing in front of a governor, the views of the district attorney and trial judge are presented. Yet not a single prosecutor or judge from the tribunals were consulted. Nor had the Peck Commission opened a single page of the transcripts and documentary evidence. In fact, the crates of transcripts and evidence made available to the commission were never opened. The only materials from the trials that were reviewed, were the verdicts, which spanned 3000 pages. The task of reviewing all of the material from the trials would have been an impossible task in the time McCloy allotted for the Peck Commission. The transcripts exclusive of the briefs and documents filed spanned some 330,000 pages. A speed reader reading the at the rate of 1,200 a minute would need seventeen months to get through the Nuremberg transcripts. 67
In reality, the Peck Commission served as nothing more than a politically motivated blue ribbon panel. McCloy use the commission’s recommendations as an excuse to justify his actions in freeing war criminals.
Both the Simpson and Peck commissions were politically motivated. The Nazis were counting on their agents and sympathizers in other countries--- including the United States--- to do their bidding after the close of the war. The conservative faction of Congress did not disappoint the Nazis. In fact, the conservative Republicans by the end of the 1940s had succeeding in perpetrating the myth that the Nuremberg war criminals were not criminals but were instead the victims of Roosevelt. By the decade’s end, many people had come to accept that myth. This conservative faction was aroused to action by the Malmedy Trial and the false charges made by Nazis within Germany of torture and brutality. Included in this fraction was John Rankin and Harold Knutsen, the pro-fascist Minnesota congressman. Also, included were Francis Case Republican representative from South Dakota and John Taber Republican representative from New York.