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The War Years:
Part 5: Corporate Traitors

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The large corporations faced other problems with the end of the war. Many of these corporations attained their large size because cartel agreements with German firms gave them exclusive production rights within the United States while the German firms held the patents. Center to Truman's plan to remove Germany's ability to wage war and to break up I.G. Farben was the removal of patents from German hands. One executive of US Steel Corporation with extensive ties to Schmitz and Krupp attempted to reverse Truman's policy. The executive called for an immediate opening of the German Patent Office and for prohibiting inspections. The opening of the patent office, along with a ban on searches, would have been disastrous for the decartelization and de-Nazification programs.86

The end of the war would also reveal the many crimes of a corporate America willingly supplying the Nazis with war munitions. The dealings between corporate America and the Nazis during the war occurred with the direct knowledge of the American corporate headquarters and often times at the direction from the head office. Forget the rubbish that these poor corporations were forced to cooperate with the Nazis. Generally, nothing could be further from the truth. Many of these corporations went to extraordinary measures to remain in control of their assets in Germany fully cooperating with the Nazis even if it was a violation of the law and all moral principles.

Once again, the media would play a central role in concealing from the American people the truth about corporate America. Perpetrating another red scare on the country would conceal the truth. The words of Charles Wilson during the Allis-Chalmers strike spoke of only two problems unions and communism. These two issues would frame the issues in the media into the next decade. Union members would be forced to sign loyalty oaths, as would government employees and even teachers. Russia was a new menace and there would be no reports in the media of Ford building trucks for the Nazis or of any other American corporation aiding the Nazis. .

Up until recently the media has led the American people to believe that only a handful of American corporations ever invested in Germany or dealt directly with the Nazis. But a recent article puts the number of American corporations involved with supplying the Nazis at more than 300.55 However, even this article while particularly damaging for Chase Bank as well as to Ford and General Motors, is shamefully apologetic to corporate America and plainly inaccurate on other accounts. It shamefully tries to exonerate one of the most notorious fascists in America during the war, the du Ponts by suggesting they did not invest in Nazi Germany after the 1930s. The reality is that the du Ponts had several cartel agreements with the Nazis and were openly pro-fascist supporters in this country.

Another recent article coming from German investigators states that 26 of the top 100 firms in the U.S were guilty of serious war crimes. One report is particularly damaging for Ford and General Motors indicating that US lawyers now have direct evidence of the companies both knowingly using slave labor and having closely collaborated with the Nazis. The lawyers are currently considering filing a possible class action suit.56 Additionally, this news wire substantiates that many of the links between corporate America and the Nazis began in the 1920s (as presented in an earlier chapter).

The first article mentioned above details the actions of John Foster Dulles and Sullivan & Cromwell, that helped conceal Nazi ownership of the U.S. subsidiary of Bosch. They concealed the real ownership by drafting a voting trust agreement making the Wallenbergs' Enskilda Bank a dummy owner. Here is another example of I.G. Farben’s practice of tarn. The fraud worked throughout the war, but in 1948 Bosch's American subsidiary was forced onto the auction block. This is but one of many such frauds involving the actions of Sullivan & Cromwell, as well as both of the Dulles brothers.

These articles provide good examples of unlawful conduct on the part of the American corporations. The use of slave labor by Ford and General Motors and the seizure of Jewish accounts by the Paris branch of Chase Bank are typical of the crimes corporate America committed during the war. To understand fully how such crimes against humanity have gone unpunished for half a century, one needs to follow the money trail beginning with the Bank for International Settlements (BIS). Such a look at international financial intrigue paints a vivid picture of the dangers of the World Trade Organization and how it currently imperils freedom globally.

The world's central banks originally, including the Federal Reserve created the BIS in 1930. The BIS was originally inspired by Hjalmar Horce Greeley Schacht who later became the Nazi Minister of Economics and president of the Riechsbank. Schacht was raised in Brooklyn and retained powerful Wall Street connections. He foresaw the rise of Hitler and the advent of WWII. Even before Hitler rose to power, Schacht pushed for an institution that would retain communication and collusion with the world's financial leaders in the event of war. Thus, it was written into the BIS's charter that BIS would be immune from seizure even if its owners were at war.

One of the owners Of BIS was the Morgan-affiliated First National Bank of New York. The Morgans had extensive connections with the BIS. The BIS established purpose upon its founding was to provide the Allies with reparations from WWI as part of the Young Plan. Owen Young was a Morgan banker. The Morgans were involved in the fascist plot against FDR in the 1930s. In addition, Wendell Willkie was on the BIS board of directors and Willkie was the candidate of choice among the native fascists group to unseat Roosevelt.

Here is the crux of the power. Immune from seizure, the bank was free to act as it wished under whomever retained control of it. Citizens of other countries and indeed even the governments of other countries were powerless to oppose the bank or its actions. Instead, the bank was free to hold the world at the mercy of its knighted financial autocrats.

Granting such powers to any institution is foolhardy at best and a mistake that should never be repeated. However, after more than fifty years, the world has yet to learn. Currently the world's financial knights are once again reengineering the BIS in the form of the Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI), GATS and other free trade agreements. In effect, all of these so-called free trade agreements would override the Bill of Rights and hold a country responsible for any loses a corporation would receive by any legal action initiated by the country or its citizens. Further, these trade agreements prevent a country from withdrawing from it by assessing penalties for lost income for up to twenty years after a nation withdrew. Again, the media is playing the role of an obedient lap dog for its corporate masters. The media has done such a good job in killing the story on MAI and its ramifications that most Americans have not heard of it. The reader is urged to become informed of the negative consequences of the MAI and the other free trade agreements and oppose them before another fascist institution can unleash it horrors on an unsuspecting world.

The danger of NAFTA and other so-called free trade agreements can best be conveyed by the example of the Metalclad suit against Mexico. Metalclad, a U.S. waste disposal company had bought a closed dump site in the north-central state of San Luis Potos that had been plagued in the past with problems. The purchase included an agreement for the cleanup of the past problems and leaks. The site sat atop an underground aquifer that provided water for a good deal of this arid region. The governor of San Luis Potos had an environmental audit conducted on the site. The audit concluded that the site would contaminate the underground water supply and, therefore, refused to let Metalclad reopen the site.52

Metalclad then filed suit against Mexico for $90 million dollars under Chapter 11 of NAFTA. The tribunal set up under NAFTA awarded Metalclad $16.7 million dollars. The crux of the ruling is that under these free trade agreements, the cost of environmental regulations are shifted from the corporations to the governments and to bypass the legal system in the signature countries. In other words, the cost of environmental regulations and clean up was socialized, freeing corporations from their costs. These free trade agreements are unconstitutional as they set up a tribunal of corporations as the final arbitrator in any dispute and fail to recognize the court system in any of the signature countries.

By the outbreak of war, the BIS was under the control of Hitler. Directors of the BIS included: Thomas McKittrick, an associate of the Morgans; Herman Schmitz, head of I.G. Farben; Kurt von Schroder, head of the J. H. Stein Bank of Cologne and leading financier of the Gestapo; Walther Funk, president of the Riechsbank; and Emil Puhl, vice president of the Riechsbank. In May 1946, at the Nuremberg Trials, Walter Funk testified that Puhl had been offered a major post at Chase in New York shortly before Pearl Harbor. Such an offer by Chase to a leading Nazi banker reveals the callous disregard of any moral principles by Chase. Surely at such a late date with Europe already embroiled in war Chase could not been oblivious to Nazi atrocities and aggression.

The first president of the BIS was Gates McGarrah formerly of Chase National Bank. During the first two years after Hitler's assumption to power, McGarrah was instrumental in financing the Nazis through the BIS. In 1940, McKittrick held a meeting at the Riechsbank with Kurt von Schroder and the Gestapo discussing means to continue doing business if war broke out. On February 5, 1942, two months after the bombing of Pearl Harbor, the Riechsbank and the German and Italian governments approved orders that permitted McKittrick to remain in charge of the BIS. One of the documents of authorization simply stated, "McKittrick's opinions are safely known by us." 57 In response, McKittrick gratefully arranged a loan of several million Swiss Francs to the Nazi puppet governments of Poland and Hungary. On September 7, 1942, McKittrick issued the first annual report after Pearl Harbor read it to an empty room. In doing so, he could report to Washington that no Nazi directors were present. The report was purely Nazi propaganda assuming an immediate peace in favor of Germany with a sizable distribution of American gold to stabilize the German Mark. In the spring of 1943, McKittrick traveled to Berlin in violation of U.S. law after meeting with Leon Fraser of the First National Bank of New York and the heads of the Federal Reserve. His mission was to provide Emil Puhl with secret intelligence on financial problems and high-level attitudes in the United States. 57

On March 26, 1943, liberal California Congressman Jerry Voorhis entered a resolution in the House of Representatives calling for an investigation of the BIS. Congress failed to consider the matter. Voorhis was a liberal Californian representative and supporter of the New Deal and a relentless opponent of fascism. In 1945, Voorhis attacked the policy of placing men who had been officers of American companies tied to I.G Farben in the Office of military Government (OMG). OMG was tasked with the destruction of I.G. Farben. One such person assigned to OMG was Colonel Frederick Pope. Before the war Pope had been a director or top official of more than one of I.G. Farben's American affiliates.50

Obviously, if either the BIS or I.G Farben were opened to investigations in Congress, the risk was that many American corporations would be exposed to trading with the Nazis. Those supportive of the Nazis had but one choice--- Voorhis had to be eliminated. The cabal of Nazi supporters selected Richard Nixon to run against Voorhis in the 1946 election.

At the time Nixon was an unknown outside of California and only a bit player within California. Yet Nixon received financial support from the Wall Street firm Sullivan and Cromwell.65 With a large financial backing Nixon easily defeated the Congressmen branding him a communist. Nixon later offered the following to a Voorhis supporter.

"Of course I knew Jerry Voorhis wasn't a communist, but I had to win. That's the thing you don't understand. The important thing is to win."51

The early financial backing of Nixon and Nixon's cover-up of Nazi war criminals will be detailed further in a following chapter. In January of the following year, Washington Congressman John Coffee introduced a resolution similar to Voorhis’s resolution. Despite the continued protests calling for the dissolution of the BIS, it survived. As for McKittrick, he was amply rewarded for his treasonous behavior following the war with an appointment as vice president of Chase National Bank.

Two of the largest U.S. banks had extensive dealings with Nazi Germany, the Rockefeller- owned Chase Bank and the Morgan-controlled National City Bank of New York. Both banks handled accounts for many of the American corporations that traded with Nazi Germany during the war such as Standard Oil, Sterling Products, General Aniline & Film, and ITT.

In charge of European affairs for Chase was Joseph Larkin, a member of the Knights of Malta and a fascist sympathizer. (An abnormal number of Nazi and their supporters were members of the Knights of Malta.) Larkin, like McKittrick has a long history of aiding the Nazis. Perhaps the first example of Larkin aiding the fascist was in 1936, when he refused a $4 million account for the Loyalist of Spain. When a similar account was opened in the Paris branch, he had the Paris branch withdraw the deposit. However, Larkin gladly accepted accounts by Franco and the Riechsbank.


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With the approach of war, the ties between the Rockefellers and the Nazi government solidified even more. In 1936, the Schroder Bank of New York entered into a partnership with the Rockefellers forming the Schroder, Rockefeller and Company Investment Bank. Time magazine described the partnership as the economic booster of the Rome-Berlin Axis. Both Allen and John Foster Dulles were lawyers for the resulting firm. Allen Dulles was also on the board of Schroder. Six months after the start of the war in Europe, Larkin secured $25 million dollars for the use of the Nazi government. Accompanying the money was a detailed account of the assets and backgrounds of ten thousand Nazi sympathizers in the United States. In essence, the Nazi government was offering the sympathizers a chance to buy marks with dollars at a discounted rate through the Chase Bank. This scheme was only open to those willing to return to Germany, a rush on the German mark resulted.

Chase's support of the Nazis went even further--- to outright defiance of the U.S. government and treason in the fullest extent of the word. In May 1940, New York diamond merchant Leonard Smit began smuggling industrial-grade diamonds to Nazi Germany through Panama. Roosevelt had issued a freeze on all monies sent to Europe. A few days later at Smit's request, Chase unblocked his account and allowed the funds to flow to Panama and then on to Nazi Germany.

In another instance on June 17,1940, as France was collapsing the head of the Treasury Department, Moregnthau issued an order with FDR's approval to block the French accounts in this country to prevent the Nazis from looting those funds. Within hours, Chase officials unblocked the accounts and the funds went to South America and then to Nazi Germany.

On June 23, 1941, the FBI reported to Morgenthau that its monitoring of funds through Chase banks showed several payments to American oil companies from the Nazis. There was overwhelming evidence of Standard Oil receiving money from the Nazi government. The pro-Nazi publications from The German-American Commerce Association disclosed connections between Chase Bank, Emil Puhl and the Riechsbank throughout 1940. Additionally, the publications revealed that the Riechsbank maintained accounts with both Chase and National City banks.

Larkin went to extreme efforts to ensure that the Paris branch stayed open even after the bombing of Pearl Harbor. Throughout the war, Larkin allowed known Nazi collaborator Carlos Niedermann to manage the Paris branch. By May 1942, Harry Dexter White had uncovered evidence that Niedermann was enforcing Nazi restrictions on the withdraw of Jewish funds.

White was arguably one of the government's most important post-war economists. He was the architect of the International Monetary Fund (IMF). However, due to his liberal economic policies as well as his relentless pursuit of the financial dealings of large corporations with the Nazis, he had to be removed. By 1948, White was unjustly branded as an agent of the Soviet Union. One of his chief accusers was Whittaker Chambers, who may have been a Nazi agent. Even with the recently released Venona tapes, no conclusive evidence exists of White being a Soviet agent as claimed in several books. White died of a heart attack three days after testifying before the HUAC committee.89

Additional evidence shows that Larkin was directing the actions of the Paris branch at least six months after the bombing of Pearl Harbor. In fact, the Paris branch had the American accounts blocked while maintaining Nazi accounts. A Treasury report dated December 20, 1944 revealed that Niedermann was a Nazi collaborator and that the fact was known by Larkin. The report further revealed that Larkin was aware of the Nazis plan to use these accounts following the war as an instrument of German policy in the United States.

With Larkin's full knowledge, the Paris branch of Chase handled the account of Otto Abetz, the Nazi ambassador to Paris. Abetz's account was used as a funnel to pour vast amounts of money into several French companies that were collaborating with the Nazis. The money in some cases was used to support the torture of the French people. Constant communications were maintained between the Paris branch and the New York office. The following quote from a letter from Albert Bertrand of the Chase Vichy branch to Larkin in 1942 attests to the communication and shameless collaboration between Chase and the Nazis.58

"The present basis of our relationship with the authorities in Germany is as satisfactory as the modus vivendi worked out with the German authorities by the Morgans. We anxiously sought and actually obtained substantial deposit of German funds...which funds were invested by Chase in French treasury banks to produce additional income."59

After the war, Morgenthau's investigators in Paris found further shocking evidence of Chase's collaborations with the Nazis. They found that at the time of the fall of Paris in June 1940, S.P. Bailey, and an U.S. citizen and manager of the Paris office offered to immediately liquidate the branch in a patriotic gesture to Larkin. Larkin promptly fired Mr. Bailey and appointed a known Nazi collaborator. In 1946, Larkin appointed the collaborationist Albert Bertrand to the board of Chase in Paris.

In addition to the already mentioned dealings of Standard Oil with the Nazis Major Charles Burrows of Military Intelligence reported to the War Department on July 15, 1941 that Standard Oil was shipping oil from Aruba in the Dutch West Indies to the Canary Islands. Part of his report follows.

"Standard...is diverting about 20 percent of the fuel oil to the present German Government. About six ships operating on this route are reputed to be manned mainly by Nazi officers. Seamen have reported to the informant that they have seen submarines in the immediate vicinity of the Canary Islands and have learned that the submarines are refueling there. The Informant also stated that Standard Oil Company has not lost any ships to date by torpedoing as have other American companies whose ships operate to other ports."60

By 1941, it was well known that Standard Oil was supplying the Nazis with vital fuel. The British blockade ran the entire length of North and South America, stopping ships bound for Germany wherever possible. To elude the British blockade, Farish sent the fuel to Russia and then transported it across Asia via the Trans-Siberian Railroad to Hitler's waiting Panzers. Another route Farish devised to elude the blockade was to ship the oil to Vichy North Africa once Hitler invaded Russia.

William La Varne, a dedicated employee of the Department of Commerce, uncovered the details of Standard Oil's dealings with the Nazi airline, LATI. LATI was not subject to boarding searches by the British blockade and was used to ferry spies into the Americas, as well as to transport large quantities of propaganda and drugs into Latin America--- all addressed to Sterling Products. Only Standard Oil could make these flights possible, as the trip from Europe to South America required refueling unless the airline had the high-octane fuel controlled by Standard Oil. To supply the airline, Farish changed the registration of many of his ships from German to Panamanian. Under Secretary of the Navy and vice president of General Aniline & Film (another company with extensive dealing with the Nazis), James Forestal promptly granted them immunity.

Summer Welles, a State Department employee presented a detailed report of refueling stations for Nazi vessels in South and Central America on March 31, 1941. Chief among the suppliers was Standard Oil of New Jersey and California. On May 5, 1941, the U.S. Legation in Managua, Nicaragua, that reported Standard Oil subsidiaries were distributing Nazi propaganda. Further investigations by John Muccio of the U.S. Consulate revealed that Standard Oil was distributing Nazi propaganda around the world. 61 Such were the dealings of Standard Oil at a time when Nelson Rockefeller was at his post of Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs, an intelligence agency with the mission to stop the Nazi influence in South America.

By 1944, America was seriously short on oil. The upcoming D-Day invasion would require an even greater amount and a stable supply. Lack of oil would cancel the planned invasion or imperil the troops ashore if it was not forthcoming. At the time, it cost ten cents a barrel to bring the oil up and another fifteen cents for royalties to the Sheikh of Bahrain or 20 cents for drilling in Arabia and another twenty-one cents for the royalties to Ibn Saud. However, prior to the invasion, W.S.S. Rodgers of Texas Company and Henry Collier of Standard Oil of California informed Ickes that the price for the government would be $1.05 a barrel. This was almost double the current price. The offer was take it or leave it. Ickes was forced to accept. 62 The threat of an interruption of supply if the U.S. government should intervene was explicit. Even more grievous was the fact that Rodgers and Collier paid no income tax on their ill-gotten profits because they had registered their company in the Bahamas. Their profit of $120 million dollars was made on a $1 million dollar investment.

Such behavior is not only criminal; it is treasonous. Standard put its own self-interest ahead of the country’s interest. It willingly to put the lives of GIs in danger and even ran the risk of a defeat in Europe. In effect, Standard Oil blackmailed FDR's administration for private gains. No charges of war profiteering were ever filed. Like Seldes said, the big boys are immune from prosecution.

The large faction of anti-Semitism and Nazi sympathizers within the State Department made such deals possible. One of the Nazi sympathizers with a large degree of influence in the State Department was William Bullitt. He conducted a personal vendetta against the previously mentioned Summer Welles. Welles was the most powerful force within the department against fascism and was unrelenting in his pursuit of Nazis. Welles, however, had one weakness that Bullitt would exploit; he was bisexual. Bullitt conspired with Hoover in 1940 to investigate Welles. In September, Hoover hired two Pullman porters to flirt with Welles once he was drunk aboard a train back to Washington after attending the funeral of William Bankhead. Hoover's agents then noted his drunken conversations and sexual acts. It would take until 1943 before FDR would call for his resignation under pressure from Bullitt. Welles’s dismissal allowed the Nazi sympathizers full reign in the State Department and derailed his promising career. Once again, a staunch opponent of fascism was removed from power. However, FDR was so outraged at Bullitt that his influence was rendered impotent.

Early in 1942, the Standard Oil representative in Berlin, Karl Lindermann, held a series of urgent meetings with the two directors of American ITT in Germany, Walter Schellenberg and Baron Kurt von Schroder. Schellenberg was also the head of the Gestapo's counterintelligence and von Schroder was a director of the BIS. As a result of these meetings, Gerhardt Westrick, the CEO of ITT in Nazi Germany flew to Madrid to meet with Sosthenes Behn the founder of ITT. The meeting centered on how links with the Gestapo and ITT could be improved and how ITT could improve the entire Nazi telephone system and a host of war munitions. Westrick was also an associate of John Foster Dulles. He not only represented ITT but also served as an agent for Ford, GM, Standard Oil, the Texas Company, Sterling Products and the Davis Oil Company, all of which were guilty of trading with the Nazis.

The fascist government aided Behn because of his system of assuring politicians "promising plums" on his boards of directors. One such example was his Spanish chairman, the Duke of Alba, a major supporter of Franco and Hitler. Behn was closely connected with the Circle of Friends of the Gestapo through Henry Mann of the National City Bank. Behn increased his donations to the Circle of Friends after Pearl Harbor. Besides owning ITT Behn acquired a 28-percent share of Focke-Wulf company. With the aid of ITT, Focke-Wulf was able to improve the accuracy of the German bomber squadrons and later had a hand in the V2 that menaced England.

After the bombing of Pearl Harbor Behn, entered into an agreement with the Nazi government, which was essentially a partnership of an American corporation with the Nazis. The agreement prohibited the Nazis from acquiring the shares of ITT, but made the Nazis administrators of those shares. Behn and his directors made repeated requests for licenses to allow his companies in neutral countries to trade with the Nazis. Morgenthau refused all attempts, but in open defiance to the U.S. government Behn proceeded anyway.

Besides providing as many as 50,000 fuses a month for artillery shells and bombs for Nazi Germany, Behn operated a worldwide communications network that continued to serve as a conduit for Nazi propaganda throughout the war. ITT's operations in South America were infested with Nazis, who oftentimes were in charge. However, perhaps the most grievous act of ITT during the war was in providing with Nazis with highly sophisticated communications equipment. This equipment allowed the Nazis to break the U.S. diplomatic code. In 1945, a special Senate committee on international communications was set up with Burton Wheeler as chairman. In the appendix to the report, an extensive dossier revealed the co-ownership of RCA and ITT with Germany and Japan. No one noted the significance of the report. As always, the big boys supporting Nazis were immune from prosecution. In fact, shortly after the war Behn receive millions in payment for his war-damaged plants in Nazi Germany---the very same plants that manufactured artillery shells that rained down on the GIs at Normandy and throughout the war.63

One cannot discuss Nazi Germany without mentioning I.G. Farben, the giant chemical firm responsible for the manufacture of Zyklon gas used in the concentration camps. In 1929, Hermann Schmitz, and joint chairman of I.G. Farben along with Max Ilgner, Walter Teagle, Edsel Ford and Charles Mitchell of National City Bank set up the American Farben organization. In 1931, Herbert Hoover hosted Schmitz in the White House sharing his view that Russia must be crushed. Hoover had lost his extensive oil holdings in the Russian revolution. Schmitz was able to sell $13 million dollars of debentures through National City Bank in one morning, a large feat in the middle of the depression.

In 1932, Schmitz joined forces with Kurt von Schroder of the BIS. Schroder was a fanatical Nazi and director of the private bank J.H. Stein. Schroder was also an SS man linked closely with Wintrop Aldrich of Chase Bank, Walter Teagle of Standard Oil and Behn of ITT. Schroder was also the person who set up the meeting between Hitler and von Papen that led to Hitler's appointment as chancellor. Schroder was also instrumental in setting up the Circle of Friends of the Economy, a fund for the Gestapo under Himmler's control. Representatives of ITT and Standard Oil were also members.

American I.G. owned General Aniline & Film and Ozalid a blue print firm. General Aniline & Film supplied the army with the khaki dye it used and supplied the navy with the blue dye it used. This gave Schmitz's salesmen the perfect cover for spying on U.S. military bases. Also connected through General Aniline were Agfa and Ansco, a huge film corporation. This later firm provided the army and navy with their private training films and photographs of secret installations. Every blueprint from Ozalid was sent to Berlin. In 1939, with war raging in Europe all references to I.G. were dropped and the company was transposed into I.G. Chemie, a Swiss corporation controlled by Schmitz's brother-in-law with the aid of the National City Bank of New York and Chase Bank. The board of the new corporation still included William Weiss of Sterling Products, Edsel Ford and in the place of Teagle, James Forestal, who was soon to become the Undersecretary of the Navy. Another board member was former Attorney General, Homer Cummings, and leading defense lawyer for the newly transformed corporation. Cummings supplied Thomsen, the Nazi government's Chare d’ Affaires with Roosevelt's plans for Germany. In a telegraph marked "Top Secret" to Germany from Thomsen, Cummings had revealed the plans of FDR to deal with Germany. Eventually the firm was placed under government control for the duration of the war. General Aniline & Film was placed under the directorship of Leo Crowley a friend of big business and big money.

Norman Littell, an antitrust lawyer in the Attorney General's office, pursued Sterling Products relentlessly. It particularly galled him that Sterling withheld the Bayer patent for atabrine, a quinine substitute. Thousands of GIs died needlessly from malaria for the lack of quinine or atabrine. Quinine became especially scarce after the Japanese seizure of the Dutch East Indies. However, atabrine was freely available to those on the list of Proclaimed Customers in South America but Crowley refuse to release it for use by American soldiers.

Like many strident anti-Nazis, Littell's enemies eventually forced FDR to dismiss him. However, just prior to Roosevelt's death he asked to meet with Littlell in the Oval Office. FDR told Littell that he would like to see Biddle impeached for treason but in his present weaken physical condition, the task would be too difficult. In 1945, Littell found support for an investigation of Sterling Drug in Congress. Al Smith of Wisconsin and Jerry Voorhis of California entered Littell's charges into the Congressional Record and demanded a full-scale investigation. The investigation never took place. Within a few days of the resolution, Biddle quietly resigned and ironically took the post of prosecutor at Nuremberg.64

Thus, Littell faced the same fate as many of the other anti-Nazis within the Roosevelt administration who were forced to resign with careers ending in a shipwreck due to pressure from unseen forces. The process of purging the stringent anti-fascists from government continued into the 1950s, climaxing perhaps with the trial of Alger Hiss.

Yet most of the pro-Nazis successfully managed to rehabilitate themselves thanks to the same unseen forces with more power than the President. As already noted in this chapter, many of the pro-Nazi bankers received choice promotions following the end of the war. Many pro-Nazi Congressmen remained in office for years after the war. Even the pro-Nazi publisher Dewitt Wallace was rewarded with an overnight stay in the Lincoln Bedroom during Nixon's administration for his pro Nixon slant in the Reader's Digest as well as his large campaign donations. (Note the Republican's silence of this during Clinton's terms.) Wallace personally gave Nixon more than a hundred thousand dollars. Meanwhile, Wallace's rag managed to contribute even more by smuggling the money in through the Bahamas. 66

Not a single American corporation or American businessman guilty of supplying Hitler's war machine during the war has ever seen trial in over fifty years since the end of the war.